sweet, its back!
There are two handsome studs by the names Kelly and Collin in this shot from last years show....
can you see them?
Ant...you should try and come up for this.
February 25, 2009 By Daniel Gross
(from ZNet...)
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The almost two-day student occupation at New York University around demands of transparency and accountability has ended but the dialogue set in motion by the action is just beginning. Also just beginning is the University's punitive measures against participants in the occupation - measures clearly designed to have a chilling effect on future dissent.
Eighteen students have reportedly been suspended and face expulsion. To maximize hardship, NYU and its President John Sexton have gone so far as to evict several students from university housing. It's also believed that NYU is working closely with the New York City Police Department toward bringing criminal charges against some students.
The reprisals being undertaken by NYU executives are eerily reminiscent of those carried out in the breaking of the union of graduate student employees a few years ago. I'm reminded of President Sexton's stomach-churning ultimatum to the striking graduate workers: cross the picket line or be blacklisted from your paid teaching post and lose the health benefits that go along with it.
As the students of the Take Back NYU! coalition contend with the disproportionate punishment being meted out by the University, I hope that working people and their labor organizations conclude that the students are deserving of firm solidarity. While many in the labor movement are broadly supportive of student activism, there are some who are privately dismissive of student efforts as inward-looking or irrelevant.
But the historic and present-day record is replete with examples of students powerfully struggling for their own autonomy at school while working side-by-side with class-based social movements beyond campus; May 1968 in France and Greece today are two oft-cited examples.
The case for worker solidarity with the NYU activists is especially strong given the explicit pro-worker, pro-union orientation of four of the student demands:
1) Full compensation for all employees affected by the occupation.
2) Respect for the right of student workers to collectively bargain; an especially poignant demand in light of the recent dismantling of the graduate employees union at NYU.
3) A fair labor contract for NYU employees at home and abroad; a thoughtful demand given the certainty of migrant worker exploitation as NYU establishes its Abu Dhabi campus.
4) A reassessment of the recent lifting of the campus ban on Coca-Cola products after the company successfully spun its way out of accountability for anti-union violence in Colombia.
The students also demonstrated respect for the working class in the dignified way they conducted their protest. NYU sought to pit its hard-working rank and file security guards against the student occupiers. But the students refused to take the bait and maintained their focus and indignation on the University's senior leadership where it belonged.
Certainly a conversation is and will continue to take place in movement circles regarding the strategic and logistical preparation of the NYU occupation. But the students' commitment and most importantly their willingness to use direct action in support of just demands is deserving of much praise. Indeed, the U.S. student and workers' movement as a whole is engaged in a learning and re-learning process as escalatory tactics like occupations and general strikes become more and more viable amid economic crisis.
Corporate-imposed economic pain, including millions of lost jobs and lost homes, has created a tremendous opportunity for aggressive organizing around transformative demands. The NYU occupation has inspired dialogue on the important question of student voice within the University. It has also undoubtedly inspired workers and students alike to consider the path of direct action, just as the occupations at the New School and the Republic Window and Door factory did.
Take Back NYU! and its allies are now engaged in the hard work of both growing their coalition and defending the students being targeted by the Administration. They're going to need some serious and lasting support to move their work forward.
I hope we in the workers' movement acknowledge the decisively pro-labor orientation of the NYU occupation with real and forceful solidarity. Please log on to www.takebacknyu.com to join the solidarity effort and encourage unions, community groups, and houses of worship to come aboard as well. Together, we can build towards occupations where workers and students simultaneously withdraw their cooperation from the universities until democracy prevails.
December 06, 2008 By Amy Goodman
Source: t r u t h d i g
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President-elect Barack Obama introduced his principal national-security Cabinet selections to the world Monday and left no doubt that he intends to start his administration on a war footing. Perhaps the least well known among them is retired Marine Gen. James Jones, Obama's pick for national security adviser. The position is crucial—think of the power that Henry Kissinger wielded in Richard Nixon's White House. A look into who James Jones is sheds a little light on the Obama campaign's promise of "Change We Can Believe In."
Jones is the former supreme allied commander of NATO. He is president and chief executive of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Institute for 21st Century Energy. The institute has been criticized by environmental groups for, among other things, calling for the immediate expansion of domestic oil and gas production and issuing reports that challenged the use of the Clean Air Act to combat global warming.
Recently retired from the military, Jones has parlayed his 40-year military career into several corporate directorships. Among them is Cross Match Technologies, which makes biometric identification equipment. More germane to Jones' forthcoming role in Obama's inner circle, though, might be Jones' seat as a director of Boeing, a weapons manufacturer, and as a director of Chevron, an oil giant.
Chevron has already sent one of its directors to the White House: Condoleezza Rice. As a member of that California-based oil giant's board, she actually had a Chevron oil tanker named after her, the Condoleezza Rice. The tanker's name was changed, after some embarrassment, when Rice joined the Bush administration as national security adviser. So now Chevron has a new person at the highest level of the executive branch. With Robert Gates also keeping his job as secretary of defense, maybe Obama should change his slogan to "Continuity We Can Believe In."
But what of a Chevron director high up in the West Wing? Obama's attacks on John McCain during the campaign included a daily refrain about the massive profits of ExxonMobil, as if that was the only oil company out there. Chevron, too, has posted mammoth profits. Chevron was also a defendant in a federal court case in San Francisco related to the murder, 10 years ago, of two unarmed, peaceful activists in the oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria. On May 28, 1998, three Chevron helicopters ferried Nigerian military and police to the remote section of the Delta known as Ilajeland, where protesters had occupied a Chevron offshore drilling platform to protest Chevron's role in the destruction of the local environment. The troops opened fired on the protesters. Two were killed, others were injured. (Rice was in charge of the Chevron board's public policy committee when it fought off shareholder resolutions demanding that Chevron improve its human rights and environmental record in Nigeria.)
One of those shot was Larry Bowoto, who, along with the family members of those killed, filed suit in California against Chevron for its role in the attack. Just after Jones was named Obama's national security adviser Monday, a jury acquitted Chevron. Bowoto told me: "I was disappointed in the judgment by the jury. I believe personally the struggle continues. I believe the attorney representing us will not stay put. He will take the initiative in going to the court of appeals." I met Bowoto in 1998, just months after he was shot. He showed me his bullet wounds when I interviewed him in the Niger Delta. I also met Omoyele Sowore, who has since come to the U.S. and started the news Web site SaharaReporters.com.
Sowore has followed the case closely. Though disappointed, he said: "We have achieved one major victory: Chevron's underbelly was exposed in this town. ... Also there is Nigeria: Protesters won't give up. ... This will not discourage anybody who wants to make sure Chevron gives up violence as a way of doing business. American citizens are increasingly protective of their economy. ... Chevron played into fears of ... the jurors, saying these are people [the Nigerian protesters] who made oil prices go through the roof. This was a pyrrhic victory for Chevron. If I was in their shoes, I wouldn't be popping champagne."
Nigerians know well the power of the military-industrial complex in their own country. While Obama was swept into office promising change, his choice of Marine Gen. James Jones as national security adviser probably has U.S. corporate titans breathing easy, leaving the poor of the Niger Delta with the acrid air and oil-slicked water that lie behind Chevron's profits.
Denis Moynihan contributed research to this column.
Amy Goodman is the host of "Democracy Now!," a daily international TV/radio news hour airing on more than 700 stations in North America. She has been awarded the 2008 Right Livelihood Award, dubbed the "Alternative Nobel" prize, and will receive the award in the Swedish Parliament in December.